道德科学的新共识 2

CONSENSUS STATEMENT

1) Morality is a natural phenomenon and a cultural phenomenon(道德既是自然现象又是文化现象)

Like language, sexuality, or music, morality emerges from the interaction of multiple psychological building blocks within each person, and from the interactions of many people within a society. These building blocks are the products of evolution, with natural selection playing a critical role. They are assembled into coherent moralities as individuals mature within a cultural context. The scientific study of morality therefore requires the combined efforts of the natural sciences, the social sciences, and the humanities.

就和语言、性以及音楽一样，道德是个人内部多个心理基本构件，相互作用的结果。同时，它也是社会中众多个人，相互作用的产物。而生物进化，物竞天择的原则，在此间发挥了重要的作用。当个人在其社群文化中成长期间，这些部件逐渐被组装成一统的道德信念。因此，道德的科学研究，需要自然科学、社会科学和人文学科的共同的努力。

2) Many of the psychological building blocks of morality are innate(许多道德心理的基本构件是先天的)

The word "innate," as we use it in the context of moral cognition, does not mean immutable, operational at birth, or visible in every known culture. It means "organized in advance of experience," although experience can revise that organization to produce variation within and across cultures.

Many of the building blocks of morality can be found, in some form,  in other primates, including sympathy, friendship, hierarchical relationships, and coalition-building. Many of the building blocks of morality are visible in all human culture, including sympathy, friendship, reciprocity, and the ability to represent others' beliefs and intentions.

Some of the building blocks of morality become operational quite early in childhood, such as the capacity to respond with empathy to human suffering, to act altruistically, and to punish those who harm others.

"先天"一词，在这里，我们是用在道德认知的脉络中，它並非意味着一成不变，或在一出世时就开始操作，或在每一个已知的文化中都可以看到。它的意思是“前於经验的组织”。这些组织，在一个文化的内部或不同文化之间，都会被经验所影响，而有所变异。

人类的许多道德基本构件，在灵长类动物中，都以某种形式存在着，这包括了同情心、友谊、阶级辈分以及结盟约守。许多道德基本构件，在所有的人类社会中都可以看到，这包括了同情心、友谊、互惠以及维护他人的信念以及意图。

有些道德基本构件，早在幼年期就开始运作，如对他人苦难感同身受、利他行为以及惩罚伤害他人者。

3) Moral judgments are often made intuitively, with little deliberation or conscious weighing of evidence and alternatives（道德判断往往是直觉的，很少经过仔细考虑或有意识的权衡证据和斟酌替代方案）

Like judgments about the grammaticality of sentences, moral judgments are often experienced as occurring rapidly, effortlessly, and automatically. They occur even when a person cannot articulate reasons for them.

就好像对句子语法的判断，道德判断往往是迅速的，毫不费力的，并且是自动的。甚至当一个人尚无法说出原因时，就已作出道德判断

4) Conscious moral reasoning plays multiple roles in our moral lives（道德推理在我们的道德生活扮演多种角色）

People often apply moral principles and engage in moral reasoning. For example, people use reasoning to detect moral inconsistencies in others and in themselves, or when moral intuitions conflict, or are absent. Moral reasoning often serves an argumentative function; it is often a preparation for social interaction and persuasion, rather than an open-minded search for the truth. In line with its persuasive function, moral reasoning can have important causal effects interpersonally. Reasons and arguments can establish new principles (e.g.,  racial equality, animal rights) and produce moral change in a society.

人们往往运用道德原则并进行道德推理。例如，人们用推理来检测别人以及自己道德行为的不一致性。同样的，在感觉到道德冲突或道德缺席时，人们也会作道德推理。道德推理往往被用来支持论辩，用来支持社会论说和说服他人，而不是对真理的开明探索。由於其说服功能，道德推理对他人有重要影响力。其论证可以建立（如种族平等，动物权利）新的原则和促进社会道德的变化。

5) Moral judgments and values are often at odds with actual behavior（道德判断和价值经常与实际行为有距离）

People often fail to live up to their consciously-endorsed values. One of the many reasons for the disconnect is that moral action often depends on self-control, which is a fluctuating and limited resource. Doing what is morally right, especially when contrary to selfish desires, often depends on an effortful inner struggle with an uncertain outcome.

人往往不能在现实生活中实践他们所认同的道德价値。这落差的众多原因之一，是因为道德行为所需要的自制能力，不但有限而且常起伏不定。尤其是在要做出与个人私欲背道而驰的道德正确的行为的时候，更需要经过一番胜负难分艰难的心理掙扎。

6) Many areas of the brain are recruited for moral cognition, yet there is no "moral center" in the brain（道德认知牵涉到大脑的许多部位，但有没有所谓“道德中心”在大脑之中）

Moral judgments depend on the operation of multiple neural systems that are distinct but that interact with one another, sometimes in a competitive fashion. Many of these systems play comparable roles in non-moral contexts.  For example, there are systems that support the implementation of cognitive control, the representation of mental states, and the affective representation of value in both moral and non-moral contexts.

道德判断依靠多个不同的神经系统的运作，它们彼此互动，有时互相竞争。这些系统，有许多在非道德的情况下，也发挥着类似的作用。例如，那些支持的认知控制的，呈现精神状态的，以及在道德和非道德的情况下，呈现价值的。

7) Morality varies across individuals and cultures（个人和不同文化的道德不尽相同)

People within each culture vary in their moral judgments and behaviors. Some of this variation is due to heritable differences in temperament (for example, agreeableness or conscientiousness) or in morally-relevant capacities (such as one’s ability to take the perspective of others). Some of this difference is due to variations in childhood experiences; some is due to the roles and contexts influencing a person at the moment of judgment or action.

Morality varies across cultures in many ways, including the overall moral domain (what kinds of things get regulated), as well as specific moral norms, practices, values, and institutions. Moral virtues and values are strongly influenced by local and historical circumstances, such as the nature of economic activity, form of government, frequency of warfare, and strength of institutions for dispute resolution.

在同一个文化中不同的人,其道德判断/行为是有差异的。造成这种差异部分的原因，是由于遗传气质的差异（例如，随和或严谨），或由于其道德有关的智力（如了解他人的观点的能力）。这种差异，部分是受到不同的童年经历的影响；有些是因为在判决或行动的时刻，所处环境对他的影响。
道德在不同文化中在许多方面，各不相同，包括整体道德领域（什么事情得到监管），以及具体的道德准则，习俗，价值观念和文化机构。道德和价值观强烈影响当地和历史景况，如经济活动的性质，政权组织形式，作战频率和争端解决机构的力量。

8) Moral systems support human flourishing, to varying degrees（道德体系在不同程度上支持人类的蓬勃发展，）
The emergence of morality allowed much larger groups of people to live together and reap the benefits of trust, trade, shared security, long term planning, and a variety of other non-zero-sum interactions. Some moral systems do this better than others, and therefore it is possible to make some comparative judgments.

The existence of moral diversity as an empirical fact does not support an "anything-goes" version of moral relativism in which all moral systems must be judged to be equally good. We note, however, that moral evaluations across cultures must be made cautiously because there are multiple justifiable visions of flourishing and wellbeing, even within Western societies. Furthermore, because of the power of  moral intuitions to influence reasoning, social scientists studying morality are at risk of being biased by their own culturally shaped values and desires.

道德的出现，让更大的群体的人们可以生活在一起，并获得互相信任与互通有无的好处，享有共同的安全，能够作长期规划，以及获得其他“非零和交往”的各种好处。有些道德体系比别的体系做得更好，因此各体系之间，是可以作优劣比较的。

文化道德多样性的事实，并不支持认为所有系统都是一样好的道德相对主义。然而，我们注意到，跨文化的道德评价必须慎重，因为这世界有多种合理的繁荣和幸福的愿景版本，即使在西方社会，也一样。此外，由于道德直觉对推理能力的影响，研究道德社会科学家，有可能会被自己文化塑造的价值观和愿望所影响，而在学术研究时带有先入的偏见。

Signed by:    

Roy Baumeister, Florida State University
Paul Bloom, Yale University
Joshua Greene, Harvard University
Jonathan Haidt, University of Virginia
Sam Harris, Project Reason
Joshua Knobe, Yale University
David Pizarro, Cornell University

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To view videos and transcripts of the conference, please visit:
http://www.edge.org/3rd_culture/morality10/morality10_index.html